Chapter 1651 - 1557

Chapter 1651: Chapter 1557

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Paris, Palace of Versailles.

The Senate Ministerial Meeting had not seen such intense debate as today’s for a long time.

"The proposal from the Austrian Parliament aligns with the content of the Declaration of Human Rights, and their mobilization capability is extremely strong." Minister of Justice Cambareres looked at Baron Breti, "As long as we support them, the Habsburg Family might lose their rule over Austria. The new Austrian government will inevitably adopt a diplomatic policy aligned with our country, and the most powerful opponent in Central Europe will disappear."

Baron Broi immediately shook his head and said, "Haven’t you heard the news? The group in Vienna today are nothing but madmen, rioters, and regicides!

"In front of Hofburg Square, thousands of people are killed every day, respectable people without a trace of guilt are casually beheaded.

"No one knows what these lunatics will do next; perhaps after they gain control over Austria, they will immediately turn around and ally with England and Russia."

Theresa gravely concurred: "Many Viennese were sentenced to death, even without trial, just for saying ’some nobles are innocent’."

Baron Broi continued, "I believe that even if we don’t provide aid to the Habsburg, we should at least express diplomatic support. We should never stand with the rebels at any time!"

Bailly raised his hand and stated: "But the Habsburg army is likely to be defeated.

"As far as I know, the Austrian Parliament has currently mobilized over a hundred thousand soldiers. Last week, they already occupied Saint Peltan and Essenstadt. Prince Esterhazy fled, and his family was taken to Vienna, and they have likely been killed by now.

"Oh, and a Parliamentary army is currently besieging Presburg. Given the Slovak desire to form an autonomous government, they will likely strike a deal with the Parliament and join the ranks of those breaking free from the Emperor’s control.

"Currently, the Habsburg army is in the Buda and Transylvania regions, hence their limited influence over Slovakia..."

Count Saigul shook his head: "I do not believe the Viennese Parliament’s army can achieve victory simultaneously in the west, south, and east, knowing they have allocated nearly half of their forces to reinforce Buda.

"Currently, tens of thousands of Russian troops are fighting within Austrian borders, increasing the likelihood of a victory for the Emperor of Holy Rome."

Roland frowned and said: "The alliance between the Emperor of Holy Rome and the Tsar is extremely dangerous for our country. Reinforcing the Austrian Parliament could at least deplete Russian military strength..."

"But if the Parliamentary army is defeated, it will severely impact our country’s prestige..."

Indeed, just yesterday afternoon, both the Vienna National Assembly and the Emperor of Holy Rome sent envoys to Paris almost simultaneously.

The former sought military assistance from France, aiming to "jointly resist the long-hostile Habsburg Emperor against France," to defend the freedom and equality of the Austrian people.

The envoy of Franz II was more pragmatic, merely hoping France would refrain from supporting the rebels and promised to pursue policies distancing themselves from England in the future.

France’s Senate executives quickly formed two opposing factions, firmly locking horns.

In fact, Hungarian envoys had arrived in Paris as early as last week, but they had yet to be granted an audience with the Regent, reportedly because the Regent was busy taking Prince Michel to Fontainebleau for a health check and was uncertain when they would return.

Talleyrand, sitting to the left of Baron Breti, suddenly spoke up: "I wish to remind everyone that the matter of the Habsburg Family seeking assistance from Russia was tacitly agreed to by the Regent King."

The meeting room fell silent at once.

Baron Breti pondered: "Are you saying that His Highness leans more towards the Emperor of Holy Rome?"

Talleyrand shrugged: "At the very least, it doesn’t look like there’s an inclination to support the rebels."

Just as he finished speaking, a Senate official hurriedly entered, handing a report to Baron Breti and murmuring, "Your Excellency, this just arrived from Austria."

Baron Breti quickly scanned through the document and then slowly passed it to Talleyrand: "The Hungarian Parliament formally refuses to recognize Slovakia as a distinct nation and reiterates the principles of Magyarism.

"Predictably, this will infuriate the Slovaks. Presburg is bound to fight to the death with the Austrian Parliament."

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The Slovak attitude towards the revolution is characterized by divided positions and unique demands. At the time, there was no singular "Slovak ethnic" stance, mainly divided into two factions:

Radical National Faction (represented by Stur): They proposed the famous "Slovak National Program," seeking to separate the Slovak territory (then part of the Kingdom of Hungary) from the Kingdom of Hungary, placing it directly under the rule of the Vienna (Austrian Emperor). They even sent delegations to Vienna requesting support, attempting to use Habsburg royal power to resist Hungarian nobles’ suppression of ethnic rights.

Moderate and Pro-Hungarian Faction: Some nobles and intellectuals leaned towards preserving the historical unity of the Kingdom of Hungary or chose to cooperate with the Hungarian Reform Party, unwilling to disrupt the existing legal order due to ethnic demands.

Moreover, at the revolution’s onset, the Hungarian Revolutionary Government attempted a "political reform" to win Slovak support, which initially led some Slovaks to entertain a political imagination of "belonging to the Hungarian nation." Yet, as Hungarian authorities refused to recognize Slovakia as a distinct nation, conflicts between the two sides quickly intensified. Although the Austrian court in principle acknowledged the "national principle" to divide Hungary, their caution towards the pan-Slavic movement eventually led to a failure to provide effective military support to the Slovaks, resulting in the Slovak volunteer army uprising being crushed by the Hungarian army in the autumn and winter of 1848.

In sum, by the early 19th century, Bratislava had shed the aura of its former capital status. Though politically and economically it no longer shone, Presburg’s cultural and spiritual influence remained significant:

Center of Slovak National Revival: At the end of the 18th century, the first Slovak language newspaper was published here. Entering the 19th century, it became a crucial base for the Slovak national movement-4-7.

An Important Education Center: As a major educational town of the Kingdom of Hungary at the time, Presburg housed many grammar schools and higher education institutions, attracting numerous Catholic and Protestant students to study law and theology-2-5.

Emergence of Ethnic Tensions: Historically, this city was a multi-ethnic dwelling of Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks, etc. Main languages included German, Hungarian, and Slovak-6. As the 19th century progressed, ethnic tensions became increasingly prominent.