I'm a Profiteer in Cold War Germany

Chapter 281 - 64: Internal Political Struggle in East Germany

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Chapter 281: Chapter 64: Internal Political Struggle in East Germany

In April 1970, spring was late to arrive in East Berlin.

Werner sat in his Koko office, staring at the gloomy sky outside his window.

Half a month had passed since the Erfurt summit, but the atmosphere within East Germany had only grown more tense.

Gunter pushed the door open and came in, his expression grim.

"Something’s happened," he said, closing the door and lowering his voice. "Ublis flew into a rage at the Politburo meeting. He called the Erfurt summit a failure and said Stoff was being too soft on West Germany."

Werner’s heart skipped a beat. "What did Anger say?"

"Anger contradicted him on the spot." Gunter sat down and lit a cigarette. "He said the Erfurt summit was a success and that we need a more pragmatic foreign policy. The two almost came to blows."

Werner leaned back in his chair, his mind racing.

He knew what this meant. ’The power struggle is now out in the open.’

In the history books of his past life, Anger would replace Ublis as the First Secretary of the East German party in May 1971.

But before that, there would be nearly a year of intense political maneuvering.

"Gunter, how are people within the party taking sides right now?" Werner asked.

Gunter took a deep drag from his cigarette and hesitated. "Why are you asking about this?"

"I just want to know what we should do," Werner said, looking at him. "Koko’s job is to earn foreign currency. We do business with West Germany. If Ublis wins, will he tighten policies?"

Gunter was silent for a few seconds. "He will. Ublis’s stance is very hardline right now. He feels that a policy of détente is a betrayal of socialism. If he stays in power, trade between East and West Germany will definitely be affected."

"And if Anger wins?"

"Anger is more pragmatic." Gunter stubbed out his cigarette in the ashtray. "He knows East Germany needs foreign currency and Western technology. If he comes to power, our lives will get a bit easier."

Werner nodded. "So which side should we be on?"

Gunter looked up and stared at Werner for a long time. "Werner, do you have any idea what you’re saying? When it comes to picking sides, if you pick the wrong one, there’s no coming back."

"I know," Werner said, his voice calm. "But not picking a side is also a choice, and it might be the worst one."

Gunter stood up and walked to the window.

Outside, pedestrians hurried across Alexanderplatz as a streetcar slowly passed by.

With his back to Werner, he said, "I’ve already made some contact with Anger’s side in secret. But I can’t be too obvious about it. Ublis is still the First Secretary, after all."

"Then let me do it," Werner said.

Gunter turned around. "You?"

"My position is more convenient," Werner said, standing up. "And I have the channels to get my hands on good things from the West. Whatever Anger’s side needs, I can provide."

Gunter stared at Werner for a few seconds, then laughed. "Werner, you’re even smarter than I thought. And more dangerous."

"Danger creates opportunity," Werner said.

************

That evening, Werner took a trip to West Berlin.

The light in Margaret’s office was still on.

She was sitting behind her desk, looking over some documents. When she saw Werner enter, she looked up.

"Coming to see me this late... it must be something important."

"I need a special shipment of goods." Werner sat down and produced a list. "Swiss watches, Scotch whisky, and Cuban cigars. The absolute best."

Margaret took the list, her eyebrows raised. "Are these for gifts?"

"You could say that."

"Who are they for?" Margaret leaned back in her chair. "Werner, we’ve been working together for a long time. I know you wouldn’t be asking for these things without a good reason."

Werner was silent for a few seconds. "There are some changes happening within East Germany. I need to invest in the future."

Margaret’s eyes lit up. "A power struggle?"

"You’re sharp."

"So which side are you on?"

"The winning side," Werner said.

Margaret laughed.

"Werner, you’re becoming more and more like a capitalist. Alright, I’ll get this shipment for you. But it won’t be cheap, and it’s risky."

"Money is no object," Werner said. "I just want the best, and I want it fast."

"Give me a week."

In early May, the goods arrived.

Werner inspected the shipment in a secret warehouse.

Patek Philippe watches from Switzerland, each worth tens of thousands of West German Marks. Scotch whiskies, all aged for over thirty years. Cuban cigars, the finest from Havana.

Keller stood nearby, his eyes wide with amazement. "Boss, if we took this stuff to the Black Market—"

"We’re not selling them," Werner cut him off. "These are gifts."

"Gifts for who? They’re so valuable."

"Don’t you worry about it." Werner placed a watch into an exquisite box. "This shipment needs to be delivered separately. I’ll give you the addresses, and you just make sure they get there on time. Remember, absolute secrecy."

"Understood."

Werner organized the list and began to assign the deliveries.

The first batch went to several of Anger’s confidants—the deputy secretary in charge of the economy, the minister of propaganda, and a few regional bosses. Each person received a Swiss watch, two bottles of whisky, and a box of cigars.

After the gifts were sent out, Werner waited for a reaction.

A few days later, Gunter told him that Anger’s side was very pleased with his "sincerity."

"They asked what you want in return," Gunter said.

"Nothing," Werner replied. "I just need them to remember me."

Gunter nodded, then lowered his voice. "Do you know what Anger is doing now? He’s communicating with Moscow."

Werner’s pulse quickened. "Moscow?"

"That’s right." Gunter glanced at the door to make sure no one was there before continuing. "Ublis’s hardline stance at the Erfurt summit greatly displeased Moscow. Brezhnev wants détente and wants to improve relations with the West, but Ublis has been dragging his feet. Anger seized on this. He had a message sent to Moscow, saying he is more willing to cooperate with the Soviet Union’s foreign policy."

Werner understood. ’This is the real trump card.’

In a country like East Germany, whoever had Moscow’s support held the power.

Anger wasn’t just winning hearts and minds within East Germany; more importantly, he was securing the Soviet Union’s endorsement.

"What else?" Werner asked.

Gunter glanced at the door again and lowered his voice even further. "Do you know what Ublis has been saying recently? He claimed at a party meeting that East Germany has already established a ’developed socialist society.’ The implication is that we’re more advanced than the Soviet Union."

Werner sucked in a sharp breath. ’This is practically suicide.’

"What was Moscow’s reaction?"

"Brezhnev was furious," Gunter sneered. "The Soviet Union is the big brother. Only Moscow gets to define what socialism is. For Ublis to say something like that is a direct challenge to Soviet authority."

Werner nodded.

Ublis had broken the biggest taboo—in the socialist bloc, no one could be more "socialist" than the Soviet Union.

"It’s not just an ideological issue," Gunter continued. "Right now, Moscow wants to improve relations with West Germany. Brezhnev wants détente. But Ublis keeps singing a different tune, insisting on a hard line against West Germany. He even wants to call the shots himself on the relationship between the two Germanys. Moscow sees him as a stumbling block."

Werner knew this was a key reason for Ublis’s eventual downfall.

Ublis wasn’t just losing support within East Germany; more importantly, he had angered Moscow.

In the face of the Soviet Union’s grand strategy, the personal will of an East German leader was utterly insignificant.

"Anger seized on this," Gunter said. "He sent word to Moscow that he is more willing to cooperate with Soviet foreign policy and would support the path of détente. Brezhnev was very happy to hear it."

"Then there are the economic problems." Gunter sighed. "Those reforms Ublis has been pushing for years, like the ’New Economic System,’ cost a lot of money but didn’t produce good results. Factory efficiency barely improved, while our foreign debt just kept growing. Anger’s faction has been hammering this point in Politburo meetings, saying Ublis’s economic policies have failed and that a change of course is needed."

Werner nodded.

He remembered reading in the history books that the economic reforms Ublis promoted in his later years were unsuccessful and had actually worsened East Germany’s financial situation.

Anger used this to win the support of the party’s economic factions.

"What about Ublis’s side?" Werner asked. "Isn’t he fighting back?"

"He is," Gunter’s voice dropped even lower. "Ublis is tightening ideological control. He’s ordered the propaganda department to criticize the infiltration of Western culture, claiming that détente will corrode socialism. He’s also trying to prove his course is correct by tightening control over intellectuals. But it’s not a very effective move, because everyone knows that ideology doesn’t put food on the table."

Werner was lost in thought.

Ublis was using old methods to fight Anger, but times had changed.

Now, Moscow wanted détente, East Germany needed foreign currency, and the people wanted a better life.

Ublis’s hardline approach was no longer in step with the times.

"One more thing," Gunter said. "Anger is winning over regional powers. Over the past few months, he’s visited several industrial centers and met privately with local party secretaries. He’s promised them more autonomy and expanded trade with West Germany if he comes to power. Those regional bosses are all tempted."

Anger was throwing a combination of punches: seeking Moscow’s support from above, criticizing economic policy from within, and buying off regional powers from below.

Meanwhile, Ublis could only rely on ideology and his personal prestige to hold on. The outcome of this struggle was already quite clear.

************

In mid-May, trouble arrived.

Werner was in his office handling paperwork when his secretary knocked and entered, a nervous look on her face.

"Mr. Betelich, Colonel von Brown is on the phone. He wants you to go to his office immediately."

Werner’s heart sank.

He put down his pen, stood up, and straightened his collar. "I understand."

On the way to Stasi Headquarters, Werner racked his brain for a plan.

Von Brown was summoning him. ’It must be about the gifts.’

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