Back to 1910: Building America's Greatest Mafia
Chapter 196: Updates
The rain outside the MacDougal Alley hideout fell in a steady, cold drizzle, tapping against the high glass panes of the alley windows. Inside the second-floor office, the room was warm, filled with the sharp smell of coal smoke, damp wool, and fresh printer’s ink.
?Three days had passed since Ricky returned from Pound Ridge. He had spent every hour re-establishing contact with his network in Greenwich Village and Lower Manhattan—meeting quietly with John De George, checking in with his sixty field agents, receiving coded updates from bribed precinct clerks, hotel porters, and waterfront informants.
?Now, for the first time since his return, the door was locked, and the room was quiet.
?Ricky sat behind his dark oak desk, a hot mug of black tea steaming near his right hand. Spread across the green blotter were four thick stacks of Manila folders, each bound with twine and marked with coded tags.
?He reached for the largest stack first: the intelligence breakdown on the gang war.
?Ricky didn’t need the papers to explain how the war had started. He was the one who had ordered Mandy Moore assasination and carefully arranged the evidence to point straight at the Eastman Gang. What he needed to know was how far the fire had spread in his absence.
?He untied the string and flipped open the top folder.
?The retaliation from the Brooklyn waterfront had been immediate and merciless. To the White Hand Gang, Mandy Moore’s murder was an unprovoked declaration of war by Manhattan interests. Their initial strikes against Eastman fronts in the Lower East Side had triggered a violent feedback loop that neither side could stop.
?By mid-summer, the city’s underworld had fractured into two broad, unstable coalitions:
?On the Manhattan side stood the Eastman Gang, the Five Points Gang, the Morello faction, and a dozen smaller Lower East Side and Bowery crews. On the outer-borough side stood the White Hand Gang, the Williamsburg Irish crews, Queens waterfront factions, and a growing bloc of Neapolitan Camorra groups operating out of Brooklyn.
?Ricky turned a page, his eyes scanning a detailed report on the Brooklyn factions. Names like Alessandro Vollero’s Navy Street Gang and Pellegrino Morano’s Coney Island circle appeared repeatedly in the police blotters. These Italian groups weren’t formally allied with the Irish White Hand out of affection; they were opportunistic predators using the war to chip away at Manhattan’s dominance over the docks.
?The result was total chaos. Shootings in broad daylight, hijacked trucks along the East River piers, saloons firebombed in Williamsburg, and police precincts overwhelmed by political pressure. The city was locked in a cycle of blood, and every domino had fallen from that single explosion in front of the Irishtown pub.
?Ricky set the report down and picked up the second folder: Tammany Hall and the Sullivan Act.
?A detailed memo from one of De George’s contacts inside the Albany legislature described a bitter, closed-door argument between Tammany leader Charles Murphy and Big Tim Sullivan.
?Murphy was furious. While Sullivan had successfully pushed his firearm control law through the state legislature during the public panic, the violent fallout was now threatening Tammany’s political control. The Fusion Party and civic reformers were using the street war as ammunition against Tammany corruption, accusing Murphy of losing control of the city.
?Sullivan, however, remained characteristically unbothered. According to the report, Sullivan had laughed off Murphy’s warnings, arguing that a frightened public was easier to manipulate and that the Sullivan Act gave Tammany-controlled police the absolute legal authority to disarm their enemies while protecting their friends.
?"If they hand me a crisis," Sullivan was quoted as telling a colleague, "why shouldn’t I use it to take their guns?"
?But as Ricky read further, he saw that Murphy’s anger wasn’t really about the gang war. It was about Frank Knox.
?Knox’s body had been pulled from the Hudson months ago, and Murphy refused to believe it was a random waterfront mugging. Knox had been Murphy’s personal enforcer, investigating suspicious leaks and hunting for John De George. Now Knox was dead, De George had vanished into thin air, and Tammany’s intelligence operations in Midtown were suffering unexplained failures.
?Murphy had begun putting the pieces together. He suspected a hidden, phantom organization was operating beneath the city’s surface—a group with deep pockets, perfect intelligence, and the ability to eliminate political operatives without leaving a trace.
?Ricky smiled faintly, taking a slow sip of his tea. Murphy was smart. He was seeing the shape of the ghost.
?However, the report noted that Murphy’s own lieutenants didn’t share his paranoia. To them, Knox was simply another casualty of the street war, and De George was a disgraced ward boss who had fled the state. They believed Murphy was merely grieving for Knox, who had been like a son to him. Isolated by his own men’s skepticism, Murphy had quietly begun running his own private investigation.
?At the bottom of the folder was a brief note on Sullivan’s health. Big Tim was deteriorating rapidly in Albany. His mind was slipping into bouts of severe paranoia, leaving his brother Paddy to handle the daily operations of the Sullivan machine.
?Ricky set the Tammany file aside and opened the third stack: the commercial intelligence reports on Marek Kowalski.
?A genuine, rare sense of satisfaction touched Ricky as he read through Marek’s ledgers. Marek had done brilliantly. The Lower Manhattan Merchants’ Protective Association had transformed from a small neighborhood defensive pact into a massive economic bloc.
?Marek’s strength lay in predictable consistency. While the rival, Tammany-backed Allied Distributors’ Association—led by wealthy figures like Samuel Hargrove, Edwin Mercer, Frank Donnelly, and Patrick O’Rourke—catered almost exclusively to large, politically connected corporations, Marek focused on the hundreds of small and medium-sized merchants who formed the actual backbone of the city’s trade.
?Marek had consolidated his coalition around five major independent wholesale companies: his own Harrison & Bell Limited, Kowalski Mercantile & Import, Rosenfeld Brothers Wholesale, Bennett & Crane Provision Company, and Delacroix & Mercer General Goods.
?By pooling their purchasing power, Marek’s association sold goods in massive quantities to small and medium distributors, directly undercutting Allied Distributors’ inflated prices while guaranteeing steady supply lines to local shopkeepers. Independent merchants were abandoning the Tammany-aligned association in droves to join Marek.
?The rapid growth had caught the attention of John Purroy Mitchel and the anti-Tammany Fusion Party. Mitchel saw Marek not as a threat, but as an ideal civic partner—an honest, independent businessman building a commercial network free from Tammany extortion.
?Mitchel had already held two private meetings with Marek, offering political protection and municipal support in exchange for Marek’s public endorsement of the Fusion campaign.
?Ricky closed the folder. The structure was working perfectly. Mitchel saw Marek. Marek saw an expanding business. Neither of them saw Ricky standing in the shadows behind them.
?Finally, Ricky opened the fourth folder: the Hudson Dusters.
?Frank Knox’s death had broken the gang’s leadership, leading to an immediate split.
?Kid Yorke had taken his followers and broken away entirely, abandoning the Dusters name and establishing a fierce, independent territorial claim up in Chelsea, directly north of Greenwich Village. Yorke had no political ambitions; he wanted total control of his own neighborhood, his own gambling dens, and his own street crews.
?Circular Jack had taken the opposite route. Operating from the waterfront piers, Jack retained the Hudson Dusters name and consolidated control over the dockworkers, smugglers, and warehouse crews. Jack’s clear objective was to rebuild the Dusters into a powerhouse and expand east into Greenwich Village.
?Tammany representatives had already approached Jack, offering financial backing and police protection if he brought the Dusters back under Murphy’s thumb. But Jack had learned from Frank Knox’s fate. He refused to become Tammany’s lapdog. He accepted their money and political favors, but made it clear that the Dusters answered only to him.
?"I’ll take your support," Jack was reported to have told Murphy’s envoy. "I won’t take your leash."
?Ricky leaned back in his leather chair, crossing his arms as he looked at the map of Manhattan pinned to the wall beside his desk.
?In seven months, the city had reshaped itself. The gang war was consuming the outer boroughs. Charles Murphy was growing paranoid in Midtown. Big Tim Sullivan was losing his sanity in Albany. Marek Kowalski was building an economic fortress in Lower Manhattan. And Circular Jack was eyeing Greenwich Village from the docks.
?Ricky picked up his tea, taking a quiet sip as his eyes rested on the map.
?"Seven months," Ricky murmured softly to the empty room. "I was gone for seven months, and somehow everything is how the way I had expected it would go."
?He set his mug down, reached into his drawer, and pulled out a leather-bound journal that had arrived that morning by private courier from Albany. It was written in the neat, disciplined handwriting of Cameron—functioning under his operative identity as John Morston, personal bodyguard to Big Tim Sullivan.
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